RABIN

Murder in the Name of God: The Plot to Kill Yitzhak Rabin

גלובס -הרייטינג של קרפין היכה בתדהמה את טלעד
A Call for the Assassin
Spiegel Online
The Jewish Daily Forward

 

גלובס - הרייטינג של קרפין היכה בתדהמה את טלעד
אביבה קרול - 18.05.97

שיעור הצפייה של סרט הטלוויזיה "ממשלת ישראל מודיעה בתדהמה" של מיכאל קרפין, ששודר בטלעד ב-13 במאי, רשם את הרייטינג הגבוה ביותר שנמדד החודש במשקי בית, וביחידים בני 12 ומעלה.

הרייטינג הממוצע של התוכנית בשעות 22:15-23:00 הגיע ל – 36% ממשקי הבית. נתח הצפייה הגיע ל-71% מכלל צופי הטלוויזיה. %28.5 מבני 12 ומעלה צפו בתוכנית, ואלה מהווים נתח של 77% מכלל צופי הטלוויזיה.

גם לפי שיחזור הצפייה (RECALL) של בני 12 ומעלה רשמה התוכנית שיא של 32.3%הנתון הגבוה ביותר בשנת 97'.

סך הכול, בכל חצי שעה צפו בתוכנית מעל ל-1 מיליון צופים.

מטלעד מדווחים כי גם אישים פוליטיים וראשי מדינות בעולם, ביניהם המלך חוסיין, ביקשו לקבל קלטת של התוכנית, וכי מספר תחנות טלוויזיה בעולם, בהן הבי.בי.סי, , ו-1 SAT תיעדו את השידור, ריאיינו את יוצריו וסיקרו את המאבק בבית-המשפט העליון עד לשידור.

במשך התוכנית היו 3 מקבצי פרסומת, סך 9 דקות פרסום. מטלעד מדווחים כי רוב המפרסמים היו משובצים לשעות אלה ממילא, ולא נרשמו הזמנות מיוחדות לשיבוץ בתוכנית, שקיבלה יחסי ציבור מקיפים. ההכנסה הגיעה ל-200 אלף דולר במחירי ברוטו בפועל.

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A Call for the Assassin

 

Michael Karpin - November 2009

Exactly 40 years ago, Rotary International awarded me a generous scholarship. I was offered the choice of any academic institution in the world where I would like to study, and I opted for doing my master’s degree in mass communications at UCLA. It was in June 1968 that I arrived there, and two days later, Sen. Robert Kennedy was assassinated in the Ambassador Hotel. A little over a year later, two days before I left Los Angeles, on my way to the Woodstock Festival and then back home to Israel, Charles Manson and his “family” murdered the actress Sharon Tate at her home not far from the UCLA athletics stadium. In between, Neil Armstrong and Buzz Aldrin walked on the moon and the Mai Lai massacre of Vietnamese civilians by American soldiers was revealed in the media. I can not remember a more exciting year and, believe me, in the four decades that have gone by since then I have seen much of the world and witnessed many unforgettable historical events.

That was my first sortie from Fortress Israel into the wide world. In California, the long-haired hippies were floating around everywhere. The radio stations were playing “Hey Jude” and “Aquarius” and the legendary Ed Sullivan flew in from New York once a week to teach us how to produce entertainment shows in a TV studio.

For a 24-year-old Israeli, America was like another planet. There was a gaping abyss between the austere life we led in the provincial, insular Israeli bubble, isolated from outside influences, and the power that sprang from the wealth and centrality of the United States. In Israel, for the first time, experimental black and white television broadcasts were being aired, twice a week. In the United States, the network news broadcasts brought the Vietnam War into every home.  In Israel, the bank tellers recorded each deposit in writing in savings booklets. In Philadelphia, the first automatic banking machine was put into operation. In Israel, you waited months or even years for a phone line to be installed. In New York, the phone was there the day after you applied.

In fact, 1968 was one of the hardest and saddest years in American history. The military was bleeding in Vietnam (the number of the fallen reached 30,000), while at home students were burning draft papers. In April, Martin Luther King was murdered in Memphis and in June, as mentioned above, Robert Kennedy was shot dead in Los Angeles close to my rented apartment.

At the weekly meetings of the Westwood Village Rotary Club at Hotel Bel-Air, my hosts displayed a great interest in Israel. Only a year had passed since the swift and stunning victory in June 1967, and Israel’s image was sky high. They asked me about the war, and I asked them about American politics. Most of them were happy that Lyndon B. Johnson made do with only one term and supported Nixon for president. They despised the Black Panthers (the very thought that within our lifetime a black man would be president was more than unimaginable in those days, it would have been considered downright stupid) and believed that the United States must win in Vietnam, though their daughters and sons demonstrated against the war at their colleges.

It surprised me that in rich America there was no universal health insurance. “In Israel, the government insures everyone, that’s the law. My country is a welfare state," I proudly told a group of Rotarians standing around me. One of them, Ernie Wolfe, a tall, thirtysomething-years-old owner of a travel agency, patted me on the back and said, “This young man wants to bring communism here,” to loud laughter. I was astonished. Trying to silence the Rotarian's jolliness I replied: "I never realized that the communist revolution conquered France, or Switzerland or England. In Europe they have the same public system". But my host's ears were deaf. 

That evening, back at my Hollywood's apartment I was meditating with my yellow notebook the meaning of solidarity. "Those people are decent", I wrote.  "Many of them had been combat soldiers in the Second World War. They were ready to sacrifice their life to free Europe from Hitler's thugs and here they are extremely apathetic towards weak and poor human beings, who are part of their own society".

Last week, while watching the television coverage of the healthcare opposition's demonstration outside the U.S. Capitol, suddenly I remembered that 1969's meeting with the members of Westwood Village Rotary Club. A big sign at the demonstration showed a pile of dead bodies in a Nazi's concentration camp. Its caption stated: "National Socialist Healthcare". Surprisingly, beneath the image and its disgusting title the camera exhibited lawmaker Eric Cantor. I was stunned. If a Jewish leader in Cantor's scale – not demagogues like Rush Limbaugh or Glenn Beck – is able to stand for such an analogy between the holocaust and Obama Administration's healthcare overhaul; if the entire G.O.P leadership is unable to comprehend that bringing symbols of dreadful Nazi crimes into the political debate is intolerable, then Mr. Obama's bodyguards should heighten their state of readiness. 14 years ago, in a demonstration in Jerusalem, a group of Jewish Oslo Accords' adversaries spread posters portrayed Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin in a Nazi SS uniform. A few weeks later Rabin was assassinated by an Orthodox far-right law student.

Comparing public healthcare to communism is stupid but legitimate. Comparing a self evident fixing of the American healthcare system to the Nazi most horrible crimes is not less then a call for the assassin.

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Der Spiegel, January 11, 1999

Ein Mord im Auftrag Gottes

Neues über den Tod von Rabin
VON RALF BALKE

Michael Karpin, Ina Friedmann: Der Tod des Jitzhak Rabin - Anatomie einer Verschwörung. Rowohlt Verlag, Hamburg 1998. 431 Seiten. 42 DM.

Als im Mai 1997 eine TV-Dokumentation des israelischen Starjournalisten Michael Karpin Motive und Hintergründe zum Rabin-Mord beleuchtete, waren die Straßen in Tel Aviv menschenleer. Fast die ganze Nation hatte sich vor dem Fernseher versammelt, um eine Reportage zu sehen, die in bis dahin nie gezeigter Detailfülle alle Stationen einer verheerenden politischen Entwicklung rekonstruierte, an deren Ende der Tod des Jitzhak Rabin stand.

Im Vorfeld der Sendung hatte es von konservativer bis rechtsextremer Seite zahlreiche Versuche gegeben, die Ausstrahlung der TV-Dokumentation auf juristischem Wege zu verhindern. Erst der oberste Gerichtshof des Landes gab grünes Licht. Nun liegt das Material, das der Sendung zugrunde lag, in Buchform vor. Und die Brisanz läßt verstehen, warum Teile des politischen Establishments geradezu hysterisch auf den Beitrag reagiert hatten.

Was der Leser zu sehen bekommt, ist ein weitverzweigtes Netzwerk, das vom konservativen Lager über nationalreligöse Siedlergruppen bis weit hinein ins rechtsextremistische Spektrum reicht. Man mag argumentieren, daß es in der Natur der kleinen israelischen Gesellschaft und ihrer Politikerkaste liegt, daß jeder irgendwie jeden kennt, und man aufgrund der daraus bedingten Nähe unterschiedlichster Personen nicht von einer Verschwörung gegen Rabin sprechen kann. Doch weit gefehlt! Wie Karpin in seinen Recherchen ausführt, gab es zwar kein organisiertes Komplott, aber der von extremistischen Kreisen proklamierte "Kreuzzug gegen Rabin" traf auch im Likud auf breite Zustimmung. Die Tatsache, daß in nationalreligiösen Publikationen ungestraft die Forderung nach einem Erschießungskommando für Rabin und Peres gestellt werden durfte und Teile des politischen Mainstreams sich nicht von solchen Gewaltaufrufen distanzieren wollten, all das produzierte das Klima, das den Mord als Mittel zum Zweck irgendwie akzeptierte.

Der Leser erfährt interessante Details, etwa, daß im August 1995 Netanyahu, damals noch Oppositionsführer, dem auf einem Schiff außerhalb der Siebenmeilenzone operierenden Piratensender "Arutz 7" einen Besuch abstattete. "Arutz 7" galt als Sprachrohr des nationalreligiösen Siedlerrates in den besetzten Gebieten. Haßtiraden gegen Rabin waren sein Markenzeichen: "Rabin ist ein Kollaborateur mit tausenden von Nazioffizieren, die er ins Herz des Landes Israel führt, das er unter dem Kommando ihres Führers Adolf Arafat, an sie aushändigt, um den Plan der Vernichtung des jüdischen Volkes voranzubringen", trompetete einer der Mitarbeiter des Senders durch den Äther. Netanyahu war beeindruckt.

Es sind dann auch nicht die Bilder durchgedrehter Rabbis, die den damaligen Ministerpräsidenten Rabin mit religiösem Hokuspokus wie Bannflüchen in die Knie zwingen wollten oder hysterische Siedlerfrauen im quitschegrünen Outfit, die mit Kochtöpfen regelmäßig Randale vor seinem Haus veranstalteten, die schockieren, sondern die Kumpanei des politischen Establishments rund um Netanyahu mit vielen gewaltbereiten Gruppen. Wenn religiöse Autoritäten die Ermordung Rabins als Gebot der Stunde verkünden können, so Karpin, wenn all dies unwiderprochen bleibt, dann findet sich immer ein Yigal Amir, der sich dazu berufen fühlt, als Werkzeug Gottes zu agieren und einen Mord begeht.


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Dershowitz on Goldstone: 'Moser'? I Meant ‘Monster!'

Harvard Lawyer Disavows Incendiary Term Used in Israeli Interview


Dershowitz

Goldstone

 

By Josh Nathan-Kazis

February 03, 2010

http://www.forward.com/articles/124867/

Alan Dershowitz says it was all a misunderstanding.

The outspoken Harvard Law School professor has told the Forward that he didn’t intend to call the lead author of the controversial Goldstone Report a moser, a Jew who informs on other Jews, in a recent interview on Israel Army Radio. Indeed, Dershowitz, who graduated from a Jewish elementary school and high school, says that he does not even know the meaning of the word — a term from Jewish religious law that the assassin of Yitzhak Rabin cited to describe why the Israeli leader deserved to die.

Instead, Dershowitz claims that he thought he was telling his interviewer that the South African jurist was “absolutely” a “monster.”

Dershowitz’s harsh criticisms of former South African Supreme Court Justice Richard Goldstone made news in Israel after selections of the interview were aired on Israel Army Radio’s popular morning news program “Ma Boer” (“What’s Burning?”) on January 31. After calling Goldstone “an evil, evil man” and “an absolute traitor” for his role in a United Nations report charging that Israel’s military deliberately targeted civilians, Dershowitz now claims to have stepped back from some of those comments.

“I wrote to the broadcaster, retracting my word ‘traitor,’” Dershowitz told the Forward. “But if you’re asking me deep in my heart and soul do I believe that the word fairly characterizes him, in light of the way he’s used his Jewishness, both as a shield and a sword? You know, if the shoe fits.”

Goldstone declined to comment for this story.

Dershowitz’s comments came in the midst of a new offensive by Israeli politicians against Goldstone and the report issued by the U.N. committee he chaired. Also on January 31, Kadima party leader Tzipi Livni said that the Goldstone Report was “born in sin.” The previous week, Information Minister Yuli Edelstein called the report “antisemitic.” In the Israeli Army Radio segment, “Ma Boer” host Razi Barkai asked Dershowitz regarding Goldstone, “Do you hint, professor, that he is a moser, someone who betrays his own people?”

“Absolutely,” Dershowitz responded.

The term moser entered the Israeli political discourse in 1995 in the wake of Rabin’s assassination by radical settler supporter Yigal Amir, when Amir cited some rabbis’ designation of Rabin as a moser as part of his justification for carrying out the murder.

“After the assassination, when Amir was interviewed [by] the police and he mentioned the term moser, people tried to find out what it is,” said Michael Karpin, an Israeli journalist and the author of a book on Rabin’s assassination, titled “Murder in the Name of God.” “Nobody used it here before the assassination.”

What they found was a halachic ruling against those who betrayed Jews to non-Jewish authorities. “A moser was an individual who reports another Jew to the secular authorities,” said Yosef Blau, the mashgiach ruchani, or spiritual guidance counselor, at Yeshiva University’s rabbinical seminary. “In the context of much of Jewish history, it meant someone who was basically traitorous, and who was trying to gain favor in the eyes of the rest of the world by turning other Jews in.”

In some cases, Jewish law calls for a moser to be put to death.

“A moser can become a capital crime if he makes a business of it,” said Moshe Tendler, a rosh yeshiva, or dean, at Y.U.’s seminary. “You have a fellow who is basically an animal of prey — he’s preying upon the society for his own benefit. That fellow has to be dispatched with.” Tendler added, “It doesn’t apply in our modern times.” He rejected the notion that the term applied to Goldstone in any case.

For Karpin, the Rabin precedent attaches a level of danger to the designation of Goldstone as a moser. “Somebody [in Israel] or in the States could understand it as if he was ordered, or he got permission to do something against Goldstone,” Karpin said.

But of course, Dershowitz is no rabbi. And that, Blau stressed, makes a difference. Among lay people, he said, the term can carry a colloquial meaning that’s far from a rabbinic decree. “It’s usually said more rhetorically. It depends who would say it,” Blau said. “If Alan Dershowitz would say it, he’s certainly not saying, okay, somebody go out and kill him.” On the other hand, Blau said, “If it came from some right-wing rabbi in Israel, say from the heads of yeshiva Od Yosef Chai” — a radical settler yeshiva in the West Bank — “then it would be taken much more seriously.”

Dershowitz claims that the audio clip is based on a miscommunication. According to Dershowitz, when Barkai asked if he thought Goldstein was a moser, he misheard him: “I thought he said ‘monster.’ And I didn’t say yes, because I wouldn’t ever characterize anybody as a monster.” Dershowitz says that Barkai asked him the question multiple times, and only after Barkai added the explanatory phrase “someone who betrays his own people” did Dershowitz answer in the affirmative.

Dershowitz says that he stands by the claim that Goldstone betrayed his people. But he said, “To this day, I don’t know what moser means.”

Moser was a term that was certainly used. He must have heard it as a child,” said Blau, who grew up with Dershowitz and attended religious elementary and high schools with him. “I don’t recall it coming up in the schools we went to, but it certainly was out there.”

Later in the Israel Army Radio interview, Dershowitz referred to a section of the weekday Amidah that curses traitors. He said that it referred to Goldstone. “I would say that there’s a prayer for people like him that is said every day: Lamalshinim al tehi tikva [For those who slander there should be no hope],” Dershowitz told the interviewer.

According to the ArtScroll Siddur, the text continues, “…and may all wickedness perish in an instant and may all Your enemies be cut down speedily. May You speedily uproot, smash, cast down and humble the wanton sinners speedily in our days. Blessed art Thou… who breaks enemies and humbles wanton sinners.”

In his interview with the Forward, Dershowitz said that he understood the quote he cited to mean that “people who use their credibility as Jews and their words to destroy the Jewish people shall not have any hope in the world to come. It has nothing to do with here on earth. And since I don’t believe in the world to come, it’s an empty threat.

“I do not want any harm to come to Richard Goldstone,” Dershowitz said. “I want him to be responded to in the marketplace of ideas.”

Contact Josh Nathan-Kazis at nathankazis@forward.com